The Labour Movement Delegation which visited Ireland on the weekend of the 17th-20th September, provides the opportunity to develop a genuine labour movement current against the presence of British troops in Ireland and for the right of the Irish as a whole to determine their own future.
In preparation for something over a year, the delegation was organised by the Troops Out Movement as a fact-finding mission aimed at working out a policy that the British labour movement could adopt to aid the Irish people in their struggle for self determination. Differences over perspectives for such a delegation appeared early in its preparation, with the TOM leadership resisting all attempts to allow an organising committee of sponsoring bodies to determine the policy and agenda of the delegation. As a result the TOM leadership had their way over the programme for the delegation in Ireland. Thus the ‘fact finding’ mission wouldn’t in fact be talking to any Protestant organisations — opening trade union delegates on their return to the accusation of having failed to hear both sides of the argument. (An ironic situation given this was precisely the criticism made of the CP-dominated GLATC delegation which spoke only to Republicans favouring an ‘Irish Bill of Rights’.) The argument used by the TOM spokesman that you wouldn’t ask South African whites about ‘how to achieve self determination’ for the blacks is totally demagogic, and is in fact an excuse for ignoring the fact that many British workers are genuinely confused and held back from taking up a ‘troops out’ position by precisely this question. Despite the difficulties involved in organising such meetings — difficulties which could have been overcome — it would have strengthened the arguments of returning trade unionists who could have spoken first hand of the protestant intransigence when arguing a policy with their members.
The delegation itself spent two days in the North and one day in the South, hearing and discussing with representatives from the trade unions and political organisations including Sinn Fein, SDLP, the Labour Party and the IRSP, as well as visiting Crossmaglen, Newry and Belfast. A meeting held late on the evening of the third day, a final session which the delegates had earlier been told was unlikely to take place, had little over a quarter of an hour to discuss a series of ‘guidelines’ for the report of the delegation put to them by the organising committee. In a chaotic situation with no time for serious debate, motions and amendments were put and voted on with no discussion, providing a spuriously democratic approved basis for the TOM leadership to produce a draft of the final report. Workers Power believes that the delegation should declare against the British ruling class’s involvement in Ireland, call for the immediate withdrawal of troops and support any and all socialists and republicans fighting against the presence of that army in Ireland.
Is the delegation a success or a failure? In itself it is neither. The answer to this question lies in what happens next. Certainly the left once again showed its lack of seriousness in taking up the question of Ireland in the trade union movement. The two largest groups, the International Socialists and the IMG had barely a handful of delegates each, a reflection no doubt of the priority given in those organisations to building for the delegation. As was argued in the planning stage the importance of the delegation rests in its effects on the British labour movement. In this, the campaign, to be built around the report back meetings is crucial. Only then can one say that the delegation was more than a nine-day wonder. However there are strong reasons to fear the latter will prove to be the case. Far from using the delegation to build a genuine movement in the trade unions opposed to British troops in Ireland and in solidarity with the Irish people’s fight for independence, the TOM is doing little to build such a campaign. The meeting to discuss the final report has been needlessly delayed, promised for the ‘end of the year’, (at Christmas perhaps?) it now seems likely to be well into the new one; delegates are being ‘encouraged’ to hold report back meetings. There is little perspective of using the delegation to build an ongoing campaign, the fact that the ‘historic three-day visit’ took place appears success enough, while the next big event is already on the slipway — a delegation of ‘Irish people’ to Britain. Such a perspective, again based on gaining national publicity for the Irish question, might provide the TOM leadership with a role but does little to build a trade union campaign to withdraw the troops. It might momentarily raise morale in Ireland, and this is a vitally important gain but it will represent no lasting assistance to those in struggle.
We must use the returned delegates to hold a series of meetings in TU and LP bodies, not just among delegating bodies but everywhere such a meeting can be organised. The aim should be to commit those bodies to the policy of the delegation and involve them in an active campaign to remove the troops. (Including local public meetings worked for in the labour movement, anti-recruitment campaigns in the schools and dole offices involving NUT and CPSA members, picketing and leafleting outside army recruitment offices, tattoos etc and anti-PTA work.) A labour movement delegate conference must be held to organise and launch such a concerted campaign throughout the whole labour movement. The delegation gives us another opportunity to build such a movement, it must not be squandered this time.
